Discuss with relevant ideas from urban and rural sociology

Discuss with relevant ideas from urban and rural sociology

The Hong Kong businesswomen mentioned above wanted their femininity, not their ability to imitate the behaviour of their male colleagues, to be respected (Hills, 2000). If they wish to achieve this they must begin by revolutionising the discourse of their lives and their workplaces. This means that “”fighting”” must become “”discovering””, and “”goals”” or “”victories”” must become “”answers”” or “”solutions””. The ways in which discourse must change are numerous as the types of structures, cultures and practices in which they operate. It is not through the appreciation of female characteristics that the discourse and structures, cultures and practices of the workplace will become less coercive and less divisive; it is through discourse that female characteristics will come to be appreciated and structures, cultures and practices of the workplace will become less coercive and less divisive. It is, among other things, from discourse that dominant masculinity came to predominate, and it is, among other things, through discourse that it may be abated. Within the compass of this paper it is discourse that is the root and the cause of the problem, not the symptom and the outcome.

Critically evaluated, it has been shown that the initial statement may be too optimistic. Collinson and Hearn’s (1996) view that dominant masculinities are precarious as a result of their inherent division and competitiveness seems at first sight to be reasonable, although this are illusory. Examination of the converse situation, that of a hypothetical consensual and trusting masculinity, reveals that, conceptually at least, masculinity’s divisions and competitiveness are to be expected and in this it finds a kind of unity, and hence calls into question the validity of Collinson and Hearn’s (1996) conceptualisation of the problem. That is not to say that a challenge cannot successfully be made. The common shortcomings of previous challenges are that they all suffer from faulty signification, having originated externally or having become externalised. The suggestion made in the context of this paper is that for the challenge to be successful it must originate in discourse. The power of discourse as a support to dominant masculinities has been shown, and so it is not unreasonable to suppose that a similarly rooted challenge may have comparable power and resultant success. The key to success, however, is that the challenge must begin with discourse and be – and remain – wholly internal. Previous challenges developed their own discourses but these were weak due to their emergence from externalised agendas: they were effectively limited to their academic, political or feminist original locus. To be successful and all-embracing in both the workplace and wider society, the agenda must emerge from discourse, not vice versa, and must encompass all aspects of the public and private spheres.

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Collinson, D. and Hearn, J. (1996) “”‘Men’ at ‘work’: multiple masculinities/multiple workplaces”” in Mac an Ghaill, M. (ed) Understanding Masculinity: Social Relations and Cultural Arenas, pp. 61-76, Buckingham: Open University Press

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Goodwin, J. (1999) “”Gendered work in Dublin: initial findings on work and class””, CLMS University of Leicester Working Paper, (24), [online] available at https://lra.le.ac.uk/bitstream/2381/8583/1/working_paper24.pdf, accessed 30th September, 2015

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Hakim, C. (1996) Key Issues in Women’s Work: Female Heterogeneity and the Polarisation of Women’s Employment, London: Athlone

Hills, K. (2000) “”Women managers’ workplace relationships: reflections on cultural perceptions of gender””, CLMS University of Leicester Working Paper, (26), [online] available at https://lra.le.ac.uk/handle/2381/8566, accessed 30th September, 2015

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Do the urban and rural spheres remain socially distinct in virtually any ways? Discuss with relevant ideas from urban and rural sociology.

Sharma (1997 p. 74) states that rural and urban communities form the ‘end points in the continuum of human habitats’. However, it has also been suggested that the social, cultural and technological developments in the United Kingdom (UK) have resulted in a country wide urban society, with limited sociological distinctions between the two geographical locations, through a process of urbanisation. The remit of this assignment is to discuss this further, and will refer to various theoretical contributions to support or contradict this argument. Furthermore, specific reference will be made to the concept of communities and the essay will also explore social relations from both the urban and rural perspective.

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If sociology is the study of society and its social problems, rural sociology focuses predominantly upon the existence of these within rural environments, often emphasizing the countryside (Karalay 2005 p. 3). Peggs (2012 p. 89) proposes that in Britain we often perceive the countryside as being a ‘rural idyll’, a view that will be premised upon the lower crime rates, observed continued existence of community and kinship ties and a lower population density. However, Pugh and Cheers (2010 p. viii) suggest that such perceptions often result in clear generalisations and a failure to acknowledge the diversity amongst villages, suggesting that the definition of rurality itself is often flawed due to its presumption that each area holds homogenous characteristics. This stereotypical view of rural society being harmonious has also resulted in a failure to recognise the impact of industrialisation upon the sociology of agriculture, and the isolation often experienced by adults in remote rural areas (Scott 2014 p. 656). The former refers to the impact that technological advancements have had upon the practice of agriculture, or the Agricultural Revolution. Whilst this has somewhat increased the abilities of farmers to support a larger number of people and created a surplus of the availability of food, specifically in Western areas, it has also impacted upon climate change and employment rates in rural areas (Volti 2011 p. 6).

Whereas, urban sociology is mostly associated with the structure of a city or town as well as the social conversation between the people that live there (Peggs 2012 p. 90) and it has been suggested that towns and cities are the ‘physical embodiment of political and economic relationships; thus, an exponential focus has been placed upon urban societies by sociologists and the government (Flanagan 2010 p. 3). Browne (2005 p. 389) defines urbanization as the ‘process of the movement’ of people from rural areas across to urban areas with towns and cities becoming the major centres of population. Whilst it is often associated with being exemplary regarding the modern world post the Industrial Revolution, Wagner (2008 p. 6) notes that is has also caused a number of ‘new’ problems; including pollution and the negative impact that it has had upon the environment, health issues particularly within lower socio-economic groups, and country wide inequality. Although urban communities are fundamentally developed from rural habitats, there is a range ‘glaring differences in every aspect of life’ (Sharma 1997 p. 74). For example, the distinctive characteristics of an urban society is noted as being the ‘substitution of secondary for primary contacts’; the weakening of kinship; decline in the role of the family; lack of neighbourhood and community; and an ‘undermining of the traditional basis of social solidarity’ (Lin and Mele 2012 p. 39). For example, Flanagan (2010 p. 175) argues this one of the main reasons for migration to rural areas has always been, and remains to be, economic incentive and Sharma (1997 p. 76) proposes that urban societies have become more meritocratic, offering its citizens the chance to reach their full potential, suggesting that rural areas are premised upon a traditional value system which offers little room for change.

Louis Wirth (1938) perceived the defining characteristics of a city as being population size and density as well as social diversity; proposing that the combination of thus have resulted in a ‘distinctive urban way of life’ (Fulcher and Scott 2011 p. 475). Wirth’s theory has been noted to be a seminal piece discussing urbanisation, proposing that he perceived this to be something which would spread to all areas; fearing that it was a ‘socially disruptive’ process, a threat to the moral values of citizens, that would result in a lack of community and ‘underlying consensus’ (Slattery 2002 p. 303). Additionally, he perceived urbanism as being separate from accounts of capitalism, industrialism or modernity and failed to acknowledge how such concepts are intertwined and dependent of each other (Magnusson 2013 p. 55).

Tonnie’s (1957) analysis of the impact of the industrial revolution suggested that the disruption caused by people moving to the city led to an increase in ‘large-scale, impersonal, calculative and contractual relationships’; at the expense of community (Hillyard 2007 p. 7). His theory consisted of a comparison between gemeinschaftlich, communal solidarity, and gesellschaftlich including relations of calculative and contractual natures, and is often critiqued due to his depiction of historical communities to be romantic and ideal (Scott 2007 p. 780). Similarly, Simmel (1903) proposed that there were significant differences within human conversation in city life in comparison to rural areas, suggesting that people are more likely to be emotionally reserved and individualistic, proposing that the development of such skills allows them to ‘cope with the multiple demands of urban life’ (Stolley 2005 p. 169). He suggested that urban life leaves citizens ‘bombarded’ with ‘images, impressions, sensations and activities’ resulted in them becoming blasé and disinterested with others, exacerbating the emotional distance between themselves and others (Giddens 2006 p. 896). This is further discussed by Furedi (2013 p. 319) that the ‘veiled hatred and contempt’ for the modern industrial society resulted in Tonnies work often being disputed due to its generalised nature.

This change in the socially cohesive nature of pre-industrial society was also discussed by Emilie Durkheim (1897), however, his work was not solely from a pessimistic perspective and he argued that this was just a change in the social bonds and relationships (Hillyard 2007 p.10). He argued that urban-adults are more likely to become less tied to the ‘common concern’ and develop an interdependence premised upon an organic solidarity; in which, ‘social ties are based on differences’ (Stolley 2005 p. 169). He felt that modern society was based upon ‘the ideals of modern individualism’, with concerns as to whether this could provide a sufficient foundation for society, however, felt that communities could be re-established on different grounds (Challenger 1994 p. 211).

Community is a multi-dimensional term that may refer to a physical place in which people live together but also to ‘groups of people whose conversation is not predicated on physical proximity but shared interests’ (Robinson and Green 2011 p. 13). The concept of community is often compared within the urban-rural continuum, with Mann (2003 p. 190) supporting the theoretical perspective that urbanisation has resulted in a loss of community, and the values that are associated with it. Furthermore, Fulcher and Scott (2011 p. 475) proposed that the weakening of relationships in city life is one of the key reasons why urban-adults are significantly more likely to have mental health issues, commit suicide or become victims of crime. Yet Browne (2005 p. 393) argues that the close knit community in rural areas can actually be very ‘narrow minded and oppressive’; proposing that people who are different to the majority, and sometimes even do not have family ties with the area, are likely to be excluded. This is further supported by Lister (2010 p. 203) who notes that whilst any community can provide security for some, this is often done so on the basis of the exclusion of others; reiterating that it cannot be viewed as an ‘organic homogenous entity’. However, Abrahamson (2013 p. 55) argues this one of the key reasons for the focus upon urban development is community planning, attempting to alleviate the issues associated with the lack of community in urban areas by attempting to adjust the structure, provision and resources to enforce these.

Lin and Mele (2012 p. 39) state that the adult urban population are notably less likely to be unemployed due to the range jobs available, also suggesting that city life itself ‘discourages’ unemployment due to the lack of support and focus upon individualism. Yet Ferrante (2013 p. 252) argues that problems with the rural areas of a country are often under exaggerated or ignored: for example, she notes that a large percentage of children that live in poverty live in rural areas; noting the effects of economic restructuring, decline of farming and traditional industries and the lack of sufficient support in these areas. This is further discussed by Pugh and Cheers (2010 p. xvi) who note that assumptions premised upon the idealised nature of the rural induce a ‘comparative invisibility’ of social issues which are just as likely to occur here as in urban societies, such as poverty, domestic violence and substance misuse; proposing that often the needs of rural-adults are largely ignored by state provision. Additionally, Betti and Lemmi (2013 p. 36) argue that whilst statistical evidence may indicate that rates of poverty are somewhat higher in cities and towns, they explain this by the somewhat higher population density, a higher cost of staying in such areas, and the exponential costs of owning or renting accommodation in the centre of a city. Furthermore, whilst poverty is often perceived as being an inner city problem, it is found widely in rural areas with farm workers being amongst the lowest paid in society with a loss of their job also potentially resulting in homelessness and eviction (Browne 2005 p. 393).

Paddison (2001 p. 12) argues that there has become a decentralisation, with the intertwining of town and country, resulting in a country wide urban society and a rural sociology becoming less relevant in modern times. This is further maintained by Fulcher and Scott (2011 p. 471) who note that the differences between the two communities have ‘largely disappeared’ due to both of them now being ‘shaped by the dynamics of consumer capitalism’. Although Browne (2005 p. 389) argues that since the 1960’s the UK has reversed some of the changes made during the industrial period, with increasing numbers of people choosing to live in the countryside. This is particularly relevant within areas which are within commutable distance to major towns and cities, due to high costs of staying in the towns and cities as well as the perception that rural areas are somewhat better for raising children. Furthermore, Pugh and Cheers (2010 p. 6) argue that technological advancements, such as the internet, have further perpetuated the decentralisation of urban life, with communication somewhat improving in even the most remote areas; allowing people to have ‘easier and more reliable access to information and services’. However, Flanagan (2010 p. 176) reports that there has been a failure to develop rural areas sufficiently, causing high urbanization rates resulting in unemployment and housing shortages in large towns and cities; questioning or perhaps a rate of urbanization has been ‘beneficial or detrimental to economic growth’.

The lack of community life in urban environments is often cited as being one of the key distinctions between rural and urban sociology, and would denounce the that rurality lacks relevance in a post-modern society. However, technological advancements, including information communication technology and transport amongst others, have led to more people choosing to live in rural environments and commuting to their employment on a daily basis. This assignment has discussed both sides of the argument, with reference to a number of theoretical contributions, including Wirth, Durkheim, Tonnies, and Simmel; each of which focus on the impact upon social relations in the city. However, it has also highlighted a number of the social problems which are indiscriminately impacted upon by location. The assignment has clearly supported the perception that there has been a decline in the relevance of rural sociology since the Industrial Revolution, however, it has yet to lose all credibility regardless of the developments made in a postmodern society.

Betti, G. and Lemmi, A. (2013). Poverty and social exclusion. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

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Durkheim, E. (1964). The division of labor in society. New York: Free Press of Glencoe.

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Flanagan, W. (2010). Urban sociology. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield.

Fulcher, J. and Scott, J. (2011). Sociology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Furedi, F. (2013). Authority. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press.

Hillyard, S. (2007). The sociology of rural life. Oxford: Berg.

Karalay, G. (2005). Integrated approach to rural development. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.

Lin, J. and Mele, C. (2005). The urban sociology reader. London: Routledge.

Lister, R. (2010). Understanding theories and concepts in social policy. Briston: Policy Press.

Magnusson, W. (2011). Politics of urbanism. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge.

Mann, P. (2000). An approach to urban sociology. London: Routledge.

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Pugh, R. and Cheers, B. (2010). Rural social work. Bristol, UK: Policy Press.

Robinson, J. and Green, G. (2011). Introduction to community development. Los Angeles: SAGE.

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Wagner, L. (2008). Urbanization. New York: Nova Science Publishers.

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One of the greatest challenges for social policy in Britain has been to encompass minority ethnic groups, and in many ways it has failed to achieve this. Bochel points out that for many years social policy has been reluctant to recognize ethnic diversity, intending to be universal in character, so the issue of race has long been overlooked. This has had a significant impact on minority ethnic groups as the discrimination that they most definitely suffer in the labour market and in the community has not been properly addressed. Research has shown that men and women from ethnic minority groups are twice as likely to be unemployed as white Britons, and other social indicators echo this pattern. Ethnic minorities are also more likely to undertake low-paid, low-skilled work, and the vicious circle that stems from this – inferior housing, poorer living standards, and substandard schools in deprived areas – is clearly partly caused by the welfare state system, which institutionalises this discrimination. The unique problems faced by ethnic minorities must be addressed individually, and until recently social policy has failed to do this. Furthermore, the emphasis on tackling crime that has underpinned New Labour’s social policy and that of the previous Conservative governments has impacted on ethnic minorities due to the often discriminatory nature of initiatives to cut crime. The ‘stop and search’ programme is unfairly targeted toward black youths, to the extent that many believe being black is tantamount to a social problem (McGhee, 2005). Such flaws in British social policy have undoubtedly contributed to a growing sense of isolation amongst ethnic minority groups, and thus it could be argued that social policy is often more harmful than beneficial.

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Given that welfare states are normally associated with left of centre governments, and the supposed hostility of conservative right wing parties toward high levels of state intervention, the term ‘conservative welfare states’ seems somewhat of an anomaly. Nonetheless, there are definite examples of conservative states that not only refrain from fighting the welfare state but actually encourage the dependence of citizens on the government. This can be traced back to the Bismarckian ‘corporatist’ system of 19th century Germany, in which it was seen as in the interests of the state to look after the welfare of its citizens. This type of welfare state (in its extreme form) is less about reducing inequality and improving citizens lives than it is maintaining the status quo – a hierarchical system based on a culture of dependence (Esping-Anderson, 1990). Conservative welfare states are often religious and/or nationalist in nature, with a strong emphasis on family values. Epitomising such characteristics is arguably George Bush’s current reign. Despite initial cuts in public expenditure, government spending has actually increased faster under Bush than it did under Bill Clinton, with an increase of almost 33%. The religious aspect of Bush’s conservative system is illustrated with reference to his 2001 pledge to give billions of dollars to faith-based charities. Accepting the inevitability of ‘big government’ ( and thus the end of Conservative emphasis on cutting spending), the republican government under Bush has prioritised public spending partly according to religious preferences. Therefore, a ‘conservative’ welfare state is one which uses welfare as a control mechanism, to advance a particular way of thinking – for instance religion, nationalism – on its citizens.

The 1970s certainly marked a watershed in British history with regard to the welfare state; however, to claim that the past 30 years has witnessed a roll-back of the state and a decline in public spending is at best too simplistic and at worst incorrect. In fact, research has shown that from the late 1970s, public spending as a proportion of GDP has remained fairly stable. Thatcher certainly espoused the merits of small government and individualism and bemoaned the high levels of government spending associated with the economic crises regarding the 1970s, but the welfare state had become entrenched in British society, practically to the point of no return. There have, though, been significant changes in the use of public spending, as governments have been forced to re-prioritise spending (Alcock et al). For example, spending on education has increased in the past 30 years, whereas the Conservative and New Labour governments have attempted to tighten their budgets in the area of income support through an increase in means testing for benefits. NHS spending has also increased significantly under Labour following the 1999 Comprehensive Spending Review, by more or less 4.7% annually (Alcock et al). Ultimately, governments in the past 30 years have strived to improve the efficiency of public services, and this has accounted for the changes in the use of public social expenditure.

Although it is important not to overlook the pre-1940 foundations upon which the welfare state was built, one cannot deny that the welfare state was most fully realized in Britain between 1940 and 1970. Building on the strong sense of collectivism that characterized the war years, the public and the government alike reached the consensus that state intervention was necessary to ensure that Britain would meet its full economic potential. It is widely regarded that the subsequent policies stemmed from a combination of the economic philosophy of John Maynard Keynes and the social philosophy of William Beveridge. The fact that a basic framework of social policy emerged for the first time was distinctive because it complemented the political and economic rights afforded to citizens from the turn of the century. Moreover, it represented the beginning of a rights-based citizenship in Britain (Alcock et al). It was also effectively the first time since the development of political parties that the common good of the nation prevailed over partisan differences. Asa Briggs’ classic essay identified three principal elements of the welfare state which were distinctive from the pre-war period. The aim was to ensure the guarantee of minimum standards (including income), social protection by the state at times of need and the provision of services at a maximum level (Briggs, 1985). Another distinctive factor was that this protection was to be universal – unlike the poor laws of the Victorian times, access to welfare was to be ‘free at the point of delivery’ for all, without the stigma previously attached to welfare support.

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